A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II · Chapter 9Diary (9)
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He wished to establish stipendiary magistrates in every county, the effect of which would have been to disgust all the gentlemen magistrates, and to lead them to the abandonment of their duty. He wished too to unite in all cases the inspectorships of police with the office of stipendiary magistrate, to avoid collision; but the duties of inspector are of a mere ministerial and inferior character, and would not agree well with those of a magistrate.
I must read to-morrow all the late protocols and despatches. The Russians and French have agreed to make Leopold Prince of Greece, but the King cannot endure the idea. Aberdeen thinks he has made a great conquest in carrying the point of Leopold's election. I confess I cannot understand the great advantage we derive from it. What an extraordinary scene! Those monarchical states, the most adverse to revolution, combine to assist the rebellion of a people against its sovereign, a rebellion commenced by murder and continued by treachery, stained with every crime that ever disgraced human nature! [Footnote: The massacres by the Greeks at Tripolitza and Athens, the latter in direct breach of a capitulation, had, according to a not unfavourable historian, cast a dark stain on the Greek cause and diminished the interest felt for it in foreign countries. (Alison, Hist. Europe, 1815-52, iii. 150.)] They destroy the fleet of an unoffending Power in a time of profound peace in his own port. They thus facilitate the attack of an enemy, and in the extreme peril of the defeated sovereign they increase their demands in order to form a substantive State out of the ruins of his Empire. They then elect a Prince unknown to the people over whom he is to reign, and support him by equal assistance in ships and money! Those monarchical states set up a revolutionary government and maintain it in coparcenary! It was reserved for these times to witness such contradictions. I do not think any one is very well satisfied with them but Aberdeen. He is charmed.
Sunday, January 10.
Cabinet. Conversation first as to an intended publication by Mr. Stapleton of a 'Life of Canning,' in which he means to insert the substance, if not the copies, of public papers relating to transactions not yet terminated. He has had it intimated to him that he will do so at his peril. He holds an office under the Government during pleasure. I said he had no right over private letters relating to public subjects which only came to the knowledge of the writer by his official situation. He should be told it was a high breach of public confidence, and he should be displaced if he was guilty of it. He will have a hint, but I fear not one sufficiently strong. It is Lady Canning who thinks she can injure the Duke of Wellington, and so publishes these papers. Stapleton is her editor. She demanded from Aberdeen official letters of Canning's, and actually threatened him with a suit in Chancery if he did not give them up. The Duke says he has copies of all Canning's letters, and he shall publish if they do. [Footnote: Augustus Granville Stapleton had been private secretary to Canning, and published about 1830-31 The Political Life of George Canning, and nearly thirty years later, George Canning and his Times. The latter work contains much correspondence the publication of which might have been objected to at the earlier date.]
We had Scarlett and afterwards Bosanquet in upon the Welsh Judicature question. It was at last decided that the Equity Jurisdiction of the Courts of Great Session should be sent to the Court of Exchequer, that power should be taken to the King of directing the circuits to be held where he pleased, and that the two new judges of the English Courts should do the duty of the Welsh circuits. The proceedings to be assimilated to those of the English Courts.
The saving by the reduction of the Welsh judges, after allowing for their pensions, will leave an ample fund for the compensation of the officers reduced.
I read Lord Stuart de Rothesay's last despatches and Lord Heytesbury's. There seems to me to be great over-confidence in their strength on the part of the French Ministers. I cannot help thinking they will fall. Villele will have nothing to do with the Government under this House of deputies, which declared his administration deplorable. He seems to stipulate for their dissolution.
Halil Pacha takes to Petersburg fine presents for the Emperor and Empress, and other presents he is to distribute 'selon son gré et en son nom' which are enough to bribe all the ladies in Europe. There is a list of them extending over seven pages.
It seems to be doubtful whether the French have not been endeavouring to induce Mehemet Ali to revenge their quarrel with Algiers by marching along the whole coast of Africa. The French are much out of humour with their Algerine follies, and heartily tired of their expensive gasconade.
Mehemet Ali does not seem much inclined to send his fleet to Constantinople, although he has honour enough to send the Sultan's.
The Russians have launched two large ships (120 and 74), and they have bought a double-banked frigate built in the United States.
Monday, January 11.
At the Cabinet room, where I met Sir George Murray; read the letters relative to the alterations in the judicial system of Scotland.
Read a letter from Loch, allowing me to show to the Cabinet Lord William's letters. He wished them to be read, not shown, or rather not circulated; but it is contrary to all rule, so I left them to-day on the Cabinet table.
The Duke told me yesterday he felt no concession could now be made, although it was a mighty foolish thing to have had a quarrel about.
Got home at 5, dressed, and was going to business, when I found a note from Drummond, desiring me to call on the Duke as soon as I could. I ordered the carriage and went. Found the Chancellor there.
It seems there is a great hitch about Prince Leopold's nomination as Prince Sovereign of Greece. The French have now proposed it. We desire it. Russia acquiesces. We have always declared we did not care who was Prince Sovereign of Greece, but we were resolved never to acknowledge as such a man in whom we had not confidence. Some time ago the King of Prussia applied through the Grand Duke of Mecklenburgh to the King for his vote in favour of Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the brother of the late Queen of Prussia and of the Duchess of Cumberland. This application was made through the Duke of Cumberland to the King, and the King returned an answer through the Duke of Cumberland. What this answer was is not known; but the King having mentioned the circumstance to Aberdeen, and he to the Duke, Aberdeen, by the Duke's desire, wrote through Sir Brook Taylor to the King of Prussia, and civilly put him off. This letter of course the King saw, and approved. The Duchess of Cumberland complains the answer of Aberdeen was very different from that given through the Duke of Cumberland by the King, and says it is an intrigue.
The King has been put up to this, and tells Aberdeen he knows his own ground—that the people of England will not bear that 50,000£ a year shall be paid by them to the Prince of Greece. He does not care whether Leopold goes or no, but he is determined he shall leave his annuity behind him.
The articles in the 'Standard' and other papers, a few days ago, are supposed to have had reference to this then intended rupture. Aberdeen goes to the King to-morrow, and the Duke having seen all the Cabinet, Aberdeen will, if it should be necessary, declare their concurrent opinion. The Duke thinks the King will yield to Aberdeen; to avoid seeing him—if he is obliged to go down, he will declare distinctly to the King that his Majesty had better name whatever Minister he may wish to give his confidence to; but that to whatever Minister he may choose to have, he ought to give his confidence.
Certainly nothing can have been more scandalous than the King's conduct to the Duke. He has never given his Government the fair support. Say what the Duke will, he of Cumberland is believed.
The Duke had a note about the King the other day from Lady Conyngham, written only to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with His Majesty.
That Prince Leopold will make an efficient King of Greece I do not believe; but he is not likely to be hostile to England. Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, named by Prussia, would be really Russian, and the tool of States not friendly to us.
Prince Leopold hopes, if he goes to Greece, that Government will purchase the lands he has bought, for which he has given 40,000£ or 50,000£.
Determined to have my letter respecting the acquisition of information in Central Asia and the navigation of the Indus sent to the Chairs to- morrow, that it may be sent, and be on record as mine, in the event of His Majesty turning me out the next day, as he will very possibly do.
January 12.
Henry [Footnote: The Honourable H. S, Law, Lord Ellenborough's brother.] copied for transmission the letter in the Secret Department, and I took care it should be sent to the India House in the course of the day, that if I should be out to-morrow, I may have the credit of having originated a measure which, if effected, will be of incalculable value.
Cabinet at 2. Aberdeen was gone to the King at Windsor. It seemed to be expected he would do nothing, and that the Duke would be obliged to go down to-morrow—the Duke thinks he shall succeed—and no one seems to dread a turn out. I am not quite so sure. The mischief is that these sécousses make a weak Government.
I found in the box of drafts the letter to Sir Brook Taylor respecting Duke Charles of Mecklenburgh, which the King says he never saw or sanctioned. It bears his initials and approval, which have been traced out in ink over his pencil.
The Duke of Cumberland wants, if it be but for a week, a friendly administration that he may get out of the Exchequer 30,000£ set apart for the annuity for his son's education, but to which he is not legally entitled, his son having been educated abroad. It is out of revenge for a hostile cheer, and to get this money, to which Lord Eldon and Lord Wynford have told him he has no right, that he is endeavouring to overthrow the Government.
January 13.
After I came home read the minutes of the Governor-General and Council on the college at Calcutta. There is nothing so important as to preserve young men, who are to govern an Empire, from idleness, dissipation, and debt. This must be done. The Governor-General's own superintendence may effect much. The suspension of the incompetent may do more; but while the habits of expense are given at Hayleybury, and continued by their residence without any control in the midst of a dissipated capital, nothing will reform the system.
Cabinet dinner at Aberdeen's. He was an hour and a half with the King yesterday. The King was much agitated in dressing himself for the interview. The man who shaved thought he should have cut him twenty times. He had taken 100 drops of laudanum to prepare himself for the interview.
Aberdeen says it is a real quarrel-not a plot to get rid of us—the King thoroughly hates Prince Leopold, and he has been made to think the Ministers have slighted him in this matter. The Duke goes down to him to- morrow. He can show the King that Leopold was first mentioned by France— that he was made acquainted with the proposal or rather suggestion made by France to Leopold on November 9, that he was then told we could not hear of it till our candidates, Prince John of Saxony and Ferdinand of Orange, were disposed of. The subject was again mentioned on November 24.
In point of fact the earliest day on which it could have been made known to the King that France had distinctly proposed Leopold was Monday, and he was told on the Tuesday.
The King seems to have been violently agitated. He said sneeringly to Aberdeen, 'If I may be allowed to ask, is Prince Leopold to be married to a daughter of the Duke of Orleans?' [Footnote: This marriage took place in August 1832, when Prince Leopold had become King of the Belgians, and the Duke of Orleans King of the French.] Aberdeen said he had seen it in the newspaper and knew nothing more of it. The King alluded to the possibility of Government going out, admitted the inconvenience just before the meeting of Parliament, but said he was immovable. Leopold might go to the devil, but he should not carry English money out of the country. In the morning, talking to the Duchess of Gloucester, he said, 'If they want a Prince of my family, they might have had the Duke of Gloucester,' upon which the Duchess burst out a-laughing.
The King seems thoroughly out of humour. He says 'Things seem going on very ill in India. Do not you mean to recall Lord William?' He had been made very angry in the morning by the 'Times' calling upon him to pay his brother's debts, and this morning the 'Morning Journal' places in juxtaposition the paragraphs in the 'Times,' and those for which it was lately prosecuted.
Lady Conyngham is bored to death, and talks and really thinks of removing. She was to make a grand attack on the King to-day. I suppose she finds the Duchess of Cumberland gaining influence. Her note to the Duke the other day, to tell him the Duke of Cumberland had been four hours with the King, was intended to put him upon his guard.
The Duke does not mean to resign to-morrow, but to request, if he should not succeed (which Aberdeen thinks he will not do), that the King will allow the Cabinet to put their opinions in writing-which the King cannot refuse. We shall then meet on Friday and decide what we shall do.
The Chancellor took me aside and said it would be a foolish thing to go out about Leopold. So it would; but if we allow ourselves to be beaten in this, we may be beaten round the whole circle of public questions.
When the Duke has proved the proposition was not made by us, that it came from France, the King will say, 'Well, if you did not think it worth while to propose him, why should you not reject him? Why adhere to him?'
I feel very indifferent about the result.
Dr. Seymour, Fitzgerald's physician, represents him as very ill indeed, and in danger if he does any business; but Peel, who saw him to-day, thinks that much exaggerated.
January 14.
Chairs at 11. I asked them to find out when Rothschild sold out his Indian stock. It seems (by a note I received in the evening) that he began on October 15, and at different times sold out 42,000£ stock. I sent the Chairman's note to Goulburn.
About ten received the promised circular from the Duke. He was an hour and a half with the King, when he was obliged to leave him in consequence of his being unwell—and the King afterwards sent to desire he would come again on Saturday.
For the first hour the King was in a state of irritated and contemptuous indignation. However, the Duke thinks he brought him to feel he had nothing to complain of in the conduct of his Government. He finished by getting into better temper and a good tone; but the Duke thinks he should have brought away his assent if he had been with him another hour. The Duke wishes to hear the opinion of the Cabinet upon some points, and we meet at two to-morrow.
January 15.
The Duke gave the Cabinet an account of his interview with the King. The King was with Munster and the Duke of Cumberland when he went; but the Duke was admitted in about forty minutes, which time he passed with the Lady Conyngham, who told him he must expect a storm.
The King was in bed, looking very ill. He said, 'Well, what is your business?' and seemed at first most indignant. The Duke, however, corrected his misapprehensions—showed him the dates, and proved that he had known from the first that it was probable Leopold would be proposed by France. The proposition was made by us to Prince Frederick of Orange on November 13, his final answer received on August 11 (there may be a slight error in these dates, as I write from memory). In the meantime the King of France had about November 29, when Leopold took leave of him, told him he would propose him. This was known here immediately, and Leopold distinctly told he could not be heard of till our own candidate was disposed of. The regular proposal of Leopold did not arrive here till January 1, and was communicated to the King with the projet of a protocol, for it was no more, on the 9th.
It was still only a proposition, and the Government now come to advise the King to consent to it.
The Duke showed the King that there had been ten candidates in all:—
Prince Philip of Hesse Homburgh, Prince John of Saxony, Prince Frederick of Orange, Prince Charles of Bavaria, Prince Otho of Bavaria, the Archduke Maximilian, Prince Paul of Wurtemburgh, Prince Leopold, Prince Emilius of Hesse Darmstadt, and Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh.
The seven first either declined or were rejected. Prince Emilius of Hesse Darmstadt was an aide-de-camp of Bonaparte, and the King would not have him, and with regard to the last, Prince Charles of Mecklenburgh, the Duke showed the King he was much more nearly connected with Prussia, and so with Russia, than with England. The King admitted this, and seemed to have been brought into good humour, when he became so ill that he was obliged to beg the Duke to leave him, and soon after sent him word he would see him in two days. The Duke says he was really unwell, and in fact was taking physic all the time he was with him.
The Duke showed the King that he alone had not the power of nomination. He had one voice out of three, and there were ten candidates.
'At any rate,' said the King, 'Claremont reverts to the Crown.' The Duke, fearing he might wish to give it to the Duke of Cumberland, or somebody, asked the Chancellor to-day to look at the Act of Parliament and tell us what becomes of Claremont in the event of Leopold's being made King of Greece. The Chancellor looked and thought Claremont would certainly remain to Leopold, and if he died or gave it up go, not to the Crown, that is, not to the King, but, by specific enactment, become a portion of the revenue under the Woods and Forests. Of course Leopold will give up Claremont, which is in fact a source of expense. The Duke said Leopold would be at least innocuous, and he might be of use. The King asked how we could be such fools as to think he would be of any use.
While the Duke was with the King the Duke of Cumberland was with Lady Conyngham, and told her, amongst other things, that the 'Times' was the Duke of Wellington's paper.
The 'Morning Journal' is his paper, and uses the expressions he puts into the King's mouth.
Aberdeen says Leopold is quite aware of all he will have to go through.
He has written to Lord Stuart to ascertain whether there is any truth in the report of his being engaged to the daughter of the Duke of Orleans.
I cannot help thinking that is so, and that the French proposition originates in that.
January 16.
Read last night a very interesting report by Captain Wade of his mission to Runjeet Singh in 1827.
Received a box from the Duke with a circular note saying the King is not well enough to see him before Tuesday. He has seen no one since he saw the Duke, and the Duke hears he was not mistaken in his judgment of the effect he thought he had produced upon the King's mind; so I suppose this matter, which looked threatening at first, may be considered as settled, although not yet formally terminated.
The King will, I dare say, make another plunge when he finds Claremont will not be at his personal disposal, as he seems to have imagined.
January 19.
Read all day Sir Thomas Munro's Life, which contains a great deal of interesting and valuable information. He was a very great man.
Talked to Hardinge of various matters. He was at Stowe when Lord Chandos in the middle of the night received a note from his father, communicating one from Sir. W. Fremantle, which informed him that the King was going to turn us all to the right about. Lord Chandos said to Hardinge he would never belong to a Government of which the Duke of Wellington was not a member.
January 19.
Read the rest of the 'Life of Sir Thomas Munro,' a most valuable book. I believe there are no books so really useful as the lives of great and good men.
On my arrival in town, found a note from Hardinge, who thinks the despatch as to watching the Russians and navigating the Indus quite perfect.
The Duke went to-day to Windsor. About eight he sent round a box containing a note, saying that the King consented to Prince Leopold's being King of Greece. So for the present, at least, we are safe again. I never had much apprehension.
January 20.
Cabinet dinner. Lord Bathurst not there. We had very little talk upon public matters. The Duke had a bad cold. The opinion seemed to be that the press of the session would be upon domestic matters, for the reduction of establishments and taxation.
The King wrote to the Duke and grumpily acceded to Leopold's appointment. Leopold is very uppish upon the subject. He was at Cobham to-day and yesterday.
I am to see Peel on Sunday at half-past one on Indian matters.
January 22.
At one, Privy Council to consider the petition of the E. I. C. for the recall of Sir J. P. Grant. The Lord President, Lord Chief Baron, and Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas present. The committee reported that they did not consider themselves warranted at present in advising Sir J. P. Grant's removal, but they thought it right he should be directed to proceed home that the several matters objected to him might be investigated.
I took the opportunity of the presence of two judges to get a legal opinion as to Sir J. Malcolm's conduct in resisting the service of the Habeas Corpus ad testificandum.
I took the opportunity likewise of laying before the two judges the change of circumstances since the institution of the Supreme Court, and the present reasons for making their jurisdiction without the limits of the Presidency the exception and not the rule.
The judges seemed to enter into my view. The Lord Chief Baron suggested that there might be a previous enquiry before the Country Court, which might for that purpose be a sort of grand jury. [Footnote: I.e. when the case was to be transferred to the Supreme Court.]
Lord Hill showed me a letter from Sir F. Watson addressed to Sir B. Taylor, as the King's first aide-de-camp, and directing him as such, by the King's command, to intimate to Lord Hill the pleasure it would give His Majesty to know that Lord Hill had given Captain Scarlett, the son of the Attorney- General, an opportunity of purchasing a majority. Captain Scarlett is a very young captain—and Lord Hill feels the thing asked cannot be done. He was going to see the Duke of Wellington about it. Not very long ago the King gave away a regiment without asking Lord Hill—however, that was settled; but it is clear that, unless Lord Hill is allowed to exercise the fair patronage of his office, he will resign.
January 26.
Cabinet. It seems the French have acceded to the proposals of the Pasha of Egypt, and finding 50,000 men would be required to take Algiers, prefer his operating with 40,000 of his own. He pretends to have made arrangements which will secure an easy conquest, and promises to place Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers under regular governments, nominally under the Sultan, whose consent he reckons upon, and capable of preserving the relations of peace with other Mediterranean Powers.
The Pasha's army is commanded by French officers, and the annexation of these States to Egypt would be their practical annexation to France. When his army is disseminated along the coast of Africa, I might realise my dream of taking Egypt from India.
We considered the proposed order in Council relative to the slave regulations of the King's own ceded colonies. The Duke was evidently not well, and he was rather out of humour. We were three hours and a half in Cabinet. He made various objections to the proposed regulations. He impressed upon us the danger of tampering with the rights of property. We were doing that with property of an odious character, which we should not do in England. He pressed the effect in the West Indies and the example everywhere. He seemed to complain that the regulations were different from those agreed to in the summer. Sir G. Murray was very quiet. He is a very sensible man, but he is overawed by the Duke, having been under him so long.
Poor old Tierney is dead, for which I am very sorry. He was a very good friend of mine.
January 27.
Cabinet at four. There can be no Council to-morrow, as Greville has the gout and Buller is in Cornwall.
There is to be an intimation sent to the Pasha to the effect that we disapprove of the proposed attempt to conquer Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers. France is to be told the same. I wished conditional orders to be given to the Fleet, and that the Pasha should be told orders had been given. It being doubtful whether French vessels might not convoy the Egyptian fleet and transports, I thought we had better now consider what we should do in that event; that we had better not threaten without determining to execute our threat, and that we should consider how we should deal with the French ships if we stopped the Egyptian—in short not take a first step which might make a second necessary, without knowing in our own minds what that second step should be. The Duke thinks the French will back out when they know our disapprobation, and that at any rate the Pasha would. I rather doubt this of either of them.
The French say they have a sort of quarrel with Tripoli, but none with Tunis, and they enter into a scheme for conquering both as stepping-stones to Algiers. Tunis in their hands would be more dangerous than Algiers.
Hardinge told me he had had a long conversation with Peel the other day on the state of the country. He thought Peel seemed to have apprehensions, and to think that if the King, through some intrigue of the Brunswickers, got rid of the Duke, things would go very ill indeed; that the authority of the Duke alone kept things quiet. England is in a bad state, because the country gentlemen have ill-paid rents; but Scotland and Ireland do very well, and the trade of the country is not depressed.
Cabinet dinner at the Chancellor's. The Duke of Montrose there, as it was to have been a dinner for the sheriffs. I told the Duke of my notion of altering the law of succession to property in India, and enabling all existing proprietors to leave their estates as they please.
January 28.
The 'Times' publishes my letter to Malcolm to-day, with comments.
Upon the whole I am glad the letter has been published. I think no one can read it without seeing I am actuated only by public views, and that I am determined to do my duty.
The editor of the 'Courier' called at the Indian Board and saw Bankes, and asked whether he should say anything. Bankes said he would see me before he gave an answer. I do not care about the publication, and the letter will defend itself.
January 29.
Chairs have received very bad accounts of the temper of the Madras army, which has no cause of complaint. Lord W. Bentinck has been at last obliged to lay his hand upon the press, and, as might have been expected, is much more abused than if he had done so at first. The Radicals had begun to consider him one of themselves, and so think him a traitor when he refuses to go any further with them.
I went to the Duke and told him what they said. He is, as usual, sanguine, and thinks it will blow over.