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A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II · Chapter 8Diary (8)

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Diebitch has partly evacuated Adrianople, leaving there, however, 6,000 sick and a battalion. The plague spreads in the Principalities, and they do not know how to get the troops out of Turkey.

Zuylen de Neyvelt and others give a very bad account of the state of Constantinople. They say the Turkish Empire cannot hold together.

I do not like Lord Stuart's account of the state of the French Ministry. They will bring in Villele, who is an able man, and he may save them; but theirs is a desperate game.

The French seem to be disposed to go along with us in negotiating with the Emperor of Brazil [Footnote: i.e. with the Emperor Don Pedro, father of the ultimately successful candidate for the Portuguese throne, Donna Maria de Gloria.] for the recognition of Miguel. There would be a stipulation for amnesty, &c.

December 3.

The Chairs talked of Lord William Bentinck. They are very much out of humour with him and heartily wish he was at home. He has neither written privately nor publicly, except upon trifling matters, for five months. He has declared his opinion in favour of colonisation. He is very unpopular. On the subject of Sir W. Rumbold he and Sir Ch. Metcalfe are very hostile, taking extreme views on the different sides. This hostility upon one subject will lead to difference upon others. The Government is not respected—and certainly there has been no moment when it was of more importance that the head of the Government should be respected than when it is necessary to effect a great economical reform. They describe the feeling at Madras as being still worse. There they did not think the governor an honest man.

The Chairs expect a letter from Macdonald to the Secret Committee with copies of his last despatches which I have already received through Petersburg, so they are unwilling to accept a communication of them from me. The letter, permitting Abbas Murza to purchase 12,000 stand of arms and to pay for them by instalments, will therefore go without any reference to the last despatches received.

Saw Aberdeen. He agrees with me in feeling much apprehension on the state of France as well as of Turkey. He seems, however, to think more of the state of parties here, and does not like the looks of the Duke of Cumberland (who was nearly dying last week) and of the King. It seems the King, although very well satisfied with measures of a public nature, is annoyed at not carrying some small jobs.

There was a great party at Woburn lately, and the world of course say there is an approximation to the Grey party. Aberdeen thinks the Woburn party showed good wishes, and Lord Grey, it is said, does not mean to come up to town. However, he is said to think he has been slighted, whereas the Duke of Wellington cannot do anything for him in the hostile state of the King's mind.

I told Aberdeen confidentially of Bankes's going out, which is an indication, no doubt, of continued hostility on the part of the Duke of Cumberland.

Saw Hardinge. Talked on various public subjects, and then told him of the probability that in three months Lord W. Bentinck would be recalled. I asked him whether he could be induced to go as Governor-General. He rejected the idea at first as unsuited to his rank in the army. I said we could make him Captain-General. He seemed to think it was a great field for a man who wished to obtain great fame, and if he was unmarried he would not be disinclined to go, but I should think domestic considerations would prevent him. I wish we had him as secretary in Ireland, but he is wanted everywhere. He is so useful. He would be most useful in Ireland.

Saw the Duke. I told him what the Chairs had said. He said he always thought Lord William would not succeed. Who could we get to replace him? He had always thought it did not signify as long as we had one man in India; but we must have one. I told him that, seeing the difficulty of selection, I had thought it right to tell him what was likely to happen. I should not be much surprised if he thought of Lord Tweddale, whom he thought of for Ireland. I do not know him at all.

December 6.

Read Sir W. Rumbold's letters, and the minutes in Council on the Hyderabad case. Sir W. is a cunning, clever man. Sir Ch. Metcalfe shows too much prejudice against Sir W. Rumbold; but he was at Hyderabad at the time, and he may be right. I suspect it was a disgraceful business.

December 9.

Loch has got a cadetship for me. Colonel Baillie lends it. He postpones a nomination till next year in order to oblige me. I have thanked Loch, and begged him to thank Colonel Baillie.

Wrote to Lady Belfast to tell her Mr. Verner had his cadetship. Begged her to make his family and friends understand thoroughly that this was a private favour I had led her to expect long before the discussion of the Catholic question.

Wrote to Lord Hertford and enclosed an extract from my letter to Lady Belfast.

Read a letter from Sir J. Malcolm, who is again troubled by Sir J. P. Grant. He enclosed a letter of his upon the subject to Lord W. Bentinck. The concluding paragraph of this letter refers to a letter from Lord William of June 18, at which time the spirit of the Bengal army continued bad.

Read a letter from Jones, who will set himself to work about the navigation of the Indus. He says a Mr. Walter Hamilton speaks of the river being navigable for vessels of 200 tons to Lahore, and that from Lahore to the mouth of the river, 700 miles, is only a voyage of twelve days. And no British flag has ever floated upon the waters of this river! Please God it shall, and in triumph, to the source of all its tributary streams.

December 11.

Read a letter from Lord Bathurst respecting the recall of Sir J. P. Grant. He had imagined I had said he had resigned. He seems surprised I should have supposed it possible a judge should be recalled without a formal meeting of the Privy Council. I reminded him of Sir T. Claridge's case, not half so strong as that of Sir J. P. Grant.

December 12.

Read Fraser's travels.

December 13.

A letter from Sir J. Malcolm, by which it seems that my letter to him of February 21 has been copied and become public: much to his annoyance. [Footnote: This was the letter with the expression about a wild elephant between two tame ones which afterwards attracted so much criticism. It was intended as a private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, but by a mistake of one of his secretaries was copied as an official communication.]

He sends me his letter to Lord W. Bentinck upon the subject. It seems by this letter, which adverts to other topics, that the spirit in Bengal is very bad—that Lord W. has hitherto done nothing to check it, and that with the press in his power he has allowed it to be more licentious than it ever was before.

December 14.

Found at Roehampton a letter from the Duke enclosing one addressed by Mrs. Hastings to the King, applying for a pension. The King recommends it to the consideration of the Court of Directors. I doubt the Court venturing to propose any pension to the Court of Proprietors.

I had another letter from the Duke enclosing a letter to him from Sir J. Malcolm and a copy of Sir J. Malcolm's letter to Lord W. Bentinck, respecting the unauthorised publication of my private letter—the same I received yesterday. Sir J. Malcolm speaks of an intended deputation from the Bengal army to England, which Lord William was determined not to allow; but Sir J. Malcolm seems to think that Lord William by his conduct at first brought on much of what has taken place. He has relaxed the reins of Government too much. I am satisfied that, without a change of form and name, it will be very difficult to regain the strength the Government has lost in India.

I shall see the Duke if I can to-morrow and suggest the appointment of Sir J. Malcolm as provisional successor to Lord William. Sir J. Malcolm's sentiments are known, and his nomination would show the feeling of the Government here. It would be a hint to Lord William that we could replace him at once and make him do his duty. It would, in the event of anything happening to Lord William, guard against the mischiefs of an interregnum, which is always a time of weakness and of job.

December 15.

The Duke gone to the Deepdene. Wrote to him to say I would not fail to bring the question of Mrs. Hastings's pension before the Chairs; but I enclosed a memorandum showing all that had been done for old Hastings, and reminded the Duke that the Court could not grant above 200£ a year without the sanction of two Courts of Proprietors.

Cabinet room. Lord Heytesbury seems to have shown Nesselrode the protocol about November 25. The Count was greatly agitated, and put himself into a furious passion. Asked the use of it? Perhaps it would be difficult to say. Supposed it was intended for Parliament—which is very true. Said it would lead to a reply we should not like—create a paper war, prevent the two Courts from remaining upon the friendly terms he had hoped were re-established. The more angry he is, the more right I think we must feel we were to send it.

There is a good paper of Aberdeen's to Sir R. Gordon, in which he considers the Turkish Empire as falling, and our interest as being to raise Greece, that that State may be the heir of the Ottoman Power. With this view he considers it to be of primary importance that the Government of new Greece should not be revolutionary, and the Prince a good one.

There is another good paper defending England against an accusation of Metternich that we should have spoken in a firmer tone to Russia at an earlier period. The King seems much taken with these papers, and writes great encomiums upon them.

By Lord Stuart's account it appears probable that Villele will come in. The Government mean to avoid all questions upon which it is possible to have a difference of opinion, and to bring forward only measures of clear and undeniable utility. They think that, if their opponents should endeavour to throw out these measures, the Chambers will support Government.

France coincides with us entirely as to the Portuguese question; but wishes, and she is right, that questions more specific had been put to the Emperor Pedro. The intention seems to be to acknowledge Miguel on conditions, when Pedro admits he can do nothing.

December 16.

Read Lord Ashley's memorandum on the judicial administration of India. I wrote a note on returning it in which I said he seemed to have taken great pains to collect the opinions which had been given by different persons upon the subject. Mine had been expressed by me in a letter to Sir J. Malcolm on August 7, in which I declared my general concurrence in the views entertained by him and intimated by him in his minute, giving an account of his tour in the southern Mahratta country. I had added that I was satisfied the more we could avail ourselves of the services of the natives in the fiscal and judicial administration the better, and that all good government must rest upon the village system. I told Sir J. Malcolm I had come to my office without any preconceived opinions, that I had kept out of the way of prejudiced men, and had allowed opinions to form themselves gradually in my own mind as I acquired more knowledge from pure sources. I could not, if I had written this passage on purpose, have had one more suited to my purpose. It showed Ashley I was not prejudiced, that my opinions were formed before I read his memorandum, and that I had formed them by abstaining from the course he has pursued—for he allows all sorts of persons to come and talk to him, and to inoculate him with their notions.

I afterwards said that he would see by Sir Thomas Munro's memorandum of December 31, 1824, that he thought we had succeeded better in the judicial than in the fiscal administration of India, and in the criminal better than in the civil branch of the judicial government. This I said to show I had read Sir T. Munro's memorandum, which he did not give me credit for having done; and that it was not so much to the judicial as to the revenue branch that he should have directed his attention, with a view to improvements— the field being greater.

I then said I did not doubt that there were capable natives to be found, but I did doubt that they would be selected, for that the European servants had disappointed me. The natives were better than I expected, &c., &c.

Saw the Duke. Suggested to him Sir J. Malcolm's being made provisional successor to Lord W. Bentinck for the reasons I have mentioned. He thought well of the suggestion; but said we must consider it, and mention it in Cabinet, as Lord William was a great card, and we must not do anything to offend unnecessarily him and his connection. The objection occurred to him that had occurred to me, that Sir J. Malcolm would die if he went to Calcutta. I hope he would not go there, that he would remain in the upper provinces. But I look to the effect of the nomination upon the conduct of people in India, and that of Lord William himself, more than to his actual succession.

The Duke then said we must look not to India only, but to all Asia, and asked me if I had read Evans's book. I told him I had; that in forty-eight hours after I read it I had sent a copy to Macdonald and another to Malcolm. I told him all the views I had with regard to the navigation of the Indus and the opening of a trade with Cabul and Bokhara. He said our minds appeared to have been travelling the same way. We must have good information of what the Russians might be doing there. I reminded him I had desired the Government a year ago to obtain information as to all the countries between the Caspian and the Indus, and I intended now to give a more particular direction. He said Macdonald should have his eye upon the Caspian, and information as to those countries would be best obtained through natives. I reminded him that that had been the suggestion in my letter of last year. The Duke's opinion is that it is a question of expense only. That if the Russians got 20,000 or 30,000 men into Cabul we could beat them; but that by hanging upon us there they could put us to an enormous expense in military preparation, and in quelling insurrections. They could not move in that direction without views hostile to us, and by threatening us there they would think to embarrass us in Europe. I proposed that in the event of the Russians moving in that direction we should permit the Government of India to act as an Asiatic Power. By money at least, he allowed, without further orders, not to move in advance without instructions. But the Duke is ready to take up the question here in Europe, if the Russians move towards India with views of evident hostility.

He approves of a message going at once with orders to Macdonald.

December 18.

Chairs. They will consider favourably Mrs. Hastings's case; but she must address her representation to them.

I told them of my suggestion of making Malcolm provisional successor to Lord William, and the reasons for it. They seemed to like the idea; but the same objection occurred to them which had occurred to the Duke and to me— that if Malcolm went to Calcutta he would die. I said I did not want him to go. I did not look to his going. I looked to the moral effect of the appointment upon Lord William and upon all their servants in India. They want to get some political man of high rank and talents and determined character to go. They are heartily sick of Lord William. Whom they want to send I do not know.

I told them of my conversation with the Duke and went over the same ground. They acquiesced in all I said. We shall have the missions to Scinde and to Lahore, and the commercial venture up the Indus, and the instruction to Macdonald. In short, all I want.

Despatches are at hand from Lord William, dated May 1, in triplicate, and without the minutes which are referred to as containing the sentiments of the Government. These despatches merely refer the subject to the consideration of the Court.

One Jones, it seems, has written almost all the memorials, and is considered a rebel more than a Radical.

We had a little conversation respecting the future Government of India. I told them it must be a strong Government, and I doubted whether in its present form it could secure obedience in India. It required more of appearance. They seemed to feel that. Astell acknowledged there was nothing imposing in the name of 'the Company,' and that the present Government was fallen into contempt.

I told them I was satisfied that the patronage and the appeals should always remain where they were. I paid them a high compliment, which they justly deserve, upon the fairness of their conduct in deciding upon the claims of their servants.

They feel their Government is weak in its last year; but that the Ministers could not do otherwise than have a committee.

December 18.

Wrote a letter to the Duke, which he may send to the King, stating the result of my communication to the Chairs respecting Mrs. Hastings.

Requested information as to the trade of the Caspian, that carried on by the caravans to Bokhara, and the general condition of that country, desiring likewise that means might be taken to keep us constantly informed of any movements made by the Russians towards the Sea of Aral, and of any attempt to make establishments on the east coast of the Caspian.

Wrote to the Duke to tell him what was done and how entirely the Chairs entered into his views.

December 19.

Wrote to Loch to suggest that he should send Meyendorff's and Mouravief's books to Macdonald.

Read a clever pamphlet on the China trade, and in coming down to Worthing all the papers Hardinge sent me relative to the new pension regulations.

December 20.

Read Meyendorff's 'Tour in Bokhara.' It contains all the information I want as to the commerce between Bokhara and Russia. We can easily supply Bokhara with many things the Russians now furnish, and with all Indian goods cheaper by the Indus than the Ganges; but what the Bokharians are to send us in return I do not well see, except turquoises, lapis lazuli, and the ducats they receive from Russia. We may get shawls cheaper by navigating the Indus.

December 21.

Read the memorandum the Chairs gave me respecting the application of steam navigation to the internal and external communications of India. It has been prepared carefully and ably, and is very interesting. It suggests the navigation of the Euphrates to Balis or Bir by steam, and thence the passage by Aleppo to Latakia or Scanderoon. It likewise suggests that it might be more expeditious to cross the desert from Suez to Lake Menzaleh, or direct to the sea.

December 22.

Wrote to Lord Hill, telling him of Sir G. Walker's dangerous illness, and intimating the importance, under the present circumstances of Madras, of having not only a good soldier as Commander-in-Chief, but a man possessed of good civil qualities.

Sent a copy of this letter to the Duke.

December 25.

Read a memorandum of Jones on the last mission to Lahore, and a very long secret despatch in 1811 upon the subject of Runjeet Singh's attempt to establish himself on the left bank of the Sutlege, and his retreat in consequence of remonstrances and military demonstration on the part of the British Government.

December 26.

Called by appointment on Lady Macdonald, who came here to speak to me about Sir J. Macdonald's salary and position at Tabriz. She says that after the letter he wrote, representing the inexpediency of Sir H. Willock's remaining as his first assistant and the non-existence of any necessity for two assistants, if the Bengal Government do not recall Willock Sir J. Macdonald cannot remain. She has likewise a good deal to say respecting the salary. I think 9,000£ a year a proper salary. The Ambassador at Constantinople has 8,000£ and a house; but Constantinople is on the sea, and the charge of bringing European goods to Tabriz through Russia is so considerable that 1,000£ a year ought to be added for the charge.

December 29.

Received three letters from Lord W. Bentinck, of July 6 and 8 and August 2. In that of the 6th he speaks of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm, published in the 'Calcutta Newspaper.' In that of the 8th he sends it to me, the names being altered, and all between brackets being interpolated, and in fact in the light of comment. In that of August 2 he speaks of the temper of the army, &c., and all public subjects. I have sent the three letters to the Duke.

I was glad to have my letter. I can defend every word in it. It contains the simile of the elephants, which I am sorry for, as I fear those described as tame may be foolish enough to endeavour to show they are not so by affecting a degree of vivacity beyond their nature; but still I can defend it.

Lord William describes his position as not agreeable, having to effect the odious work of reduction. [Footnote: Besides the burning question of 'Half- Batta,' Lord W. Bentinck's administration was regarded as hostile in spirit to that of his predecessors, and so disliked by those who had served under them, especially by the military.] He says that in India no man thinks of anything but MONEY, that the local government has incurred great odium by carrying into effect the orders of the home authorities. He recommends Sir Charles Metcalfe as a man standing by Malcolm's side, and fit for the government of Bombay. I a little fear Sir Charles Metcalfe. He is rather too vehement. I doubt whether he would be a safe man. I am quite sure Courtney would be a very unfit man. The Governor of Bombay ought to be an Indian, but who is there?

Lord William represents the Burmese Government as a barbarian Government. He says they have sacrificed all who assisted us, and that the difficulty in retroceding the Tenasserim provinces would be to know what to do with the 35,000 people who have sought our protection.

This report makes the wisdom of our recent policy yet clearer than it appeared before.

December 31.

Read twenty papers on the opium treaties and management in Central India. The Supreme Government have decided upon no longer limiting the extent of cultivation in Malwa, and upon permitting the free transit of the drug. This was expedient because undoubtedly our restrictions led to the most hostile feelings on the part both of princes and people, to the injury of the traders, to violent and offensive interference on our part in the internal policy of foreign States, and to smuggling protected by large bodies of armed men. The smugglers would soon have been Pindarries. This system began only in 1825. It was forced upon the small States, and not upon that of Gwalior, so that smuggling defeated the object.

January 2, 1830.

Received from the Duke a note to say the publication of my private letter to Sir J. Malcolm did not signify one pin's head, and it will have done good in India.

Wrote a long letter to Lord William Bentinck. I pressed upon him the necessity of making the home and the local authorities draw together. I told him he was suffering not for his obedience but for the disobedience of his predecessors. Assured him of support, lamented the ungentlemanlike tone of society evidenced by the insult of the commanding officers to him, and by the publication of my private letter. I spoke in high terms of Lieut. W. Hislop's report on the opium arrangements (which on reflection I thought better than writing a letter to him), and I likewise spoke highly of Mr. Scott, the Commissioner in Assam. Acknowledged the Government could not have done otherwise than give up the opium treaties; but foretold a large falling off in the opium revenue from over-cultivation in Malwa.

January 3.

A letter from Clare on East Indian matters which I answered at length. Sent Prendergast's pamphlet to Jones.

Read reports on the Delhi and Firuz Shah's canal, by which it appears my plan of joining the Sutlege and Jumna is not visionary. It has been done. The canal can still be traced. Delhi seems in distant times to have been like Milan, in the midst of canals. The grand canal sent a branch through the palace. The water has been again turned in the same channel. When the water flowed into Delhi on the opening of the canal on May 30, 1820, the people went out to meet it and threw flowers into the stream. In those countries nothing can be done without water, and with water, and such a sun, anything.

January 4, 1830.

Head Eraser's journey and finished it. It is very interesting, and shows how completely the Persian monarchy is falling to pieces.

January 5.

Saw Wrangham. There is no news. The affairs of the Netherlands, he says, look rather better, and Polignac is very stout and says he is very strong. It seems great complaints are made of Lord Stuart, who gives little information, and what little he does give is incorrect.

January 6.

Vesey Fitzgerald will certainly not be able to attend the House this year. His physicians say he would die in five minutes if he got up to speak. I heard G. Dawson tell the Duke to-day. I rather suspect G. Dawson would like Vesey's place.

The Duke has been much occupied with the Greek question. I have not yet read any papers at the Foreign Office. He spoke to me of Bankes's going out, which he regretted.

He had had some conversation last year at Belvoir with Lord Graham upon Indian affairs, and had been quite surprised to find how much he knew. He had thought he only knew how to comb his hair. The Duke thinks of Horace Twiss for secretary. He had thought of Mr. Wortley, Lord Wharncliffe's son, a very clever young man, but he wanted a made man, not one to learn. I shall suggest Ashley's taking Horace Twiss's place, and Lord Graham being First Commissioner. This will force him to come forward. Then Wortley might be Second Commissioner. Horace Twiss is a clever man, but rather vulgar. However, he is a lawyer and a very good speaker, and will do very well.

January 7.

I told the Chairs my views as to an alteration in the Supreme Court Bill. They seemed to approve if the thing could be done. I had afterwards some conversation with the Chancellor upon this subject. He admitted the force of my reasoning, but desired to have a memorandum about it, which indeed will be convenient to me as well as to him. It should state all the new circumstances since the establishment of the Supreme Court which render its existence less necessary than it was, and more inapplicable than ever to the condition of India.

At the Duke's dinner I told the Duke and Rosslyn the substance of Lord William's letters. The Duke said the act [Footnote: In combining to oppose the Half-Batta orders. See Thornton's British India, vol. v.] of the officers was mutiny.

The King is ill. He has lost a good deal of blood.

January 8.

The King quite well again. In the morning began and nearly finished a memorandum on the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court for the Chancellor.

Cabinet at 2. Conversation respecting the abolition of the Welsh judgeships, and the addition of a judge to the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas, or Exchequer. The two new judges would be Circuit Judges of Wales. The Welsh gentlemen seem to be favourable to the change. The attornies, who are numerous and powerful, very hostile. The Chancellor introduces again his Bill of last Session. The Equity is to be separated from the Common Law Jurisdiction of the Court of Exchequer. The subject was only talked of, and decision deferred till Sunday next.

We then talked of Ireland. The Grand Jury Presentment Bill is not yet prepared. The plan for a police is to place the nominations in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant. To send stipendiary magistrates when and where they are wanted.

Peel's suggestions went much further; but Lord F. Gower seems to me to be only a clever boy. He has as yet proposed nothing worthy of adoption, and he has often been near the commission of errors from which he has been saved only by Peel's advice.