A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 02 · Chapter 38Chapter VI. (12)

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[26] This Michael Jougue or Joghi, is said to have been a bramin, or Malabar priest; one of these devotees who wander about the country, girt with chains and daubed with filth. Those wanderers, if idolaters, are named Jogues; and Calandars if Mahometans.--Astl. I. 47. a.

[27] The rajah who then reigned at Cochin is named Triumpara, or Trimumpara, by De Faria, De Barros, and other early writers.--Astl. I. 47. b.

On receiving notice of the landing of Barbosa, the rajah sent the register[28] of the city to meet him, accompanied by many of the nayres, or principal men of the court, who brought him to visit the rajah, who was much inferior in dress and appearance of state to the zamorin, even the hall of audience having only bare walls, seated around like a theatre, in which the rajah sat with very few attendants. Barbosa presented to the rajah, in name of our general, a basin of silver filled with saffron, a large silver ewer filled with rose water, and some branches of coral, which the rajah received with much satisfaction, desiring his thanks to be returned to the general; and after some conversation with the factor, and interpreter, he gave orders for them to be properly lodged in the city. The general gave especial orders that no more than the seven persons already mentioned should remain on shore, thinking it imprudent to risk a greater number, in case of experiencing a similar misfortune with what had lately happened at Calicut. But there was here no cause for distrust, as the rajah of Cochin was a person of truth and honour, as appeared by his good usage of our men, the quick dispatch that was used in loading our ships with spices, and the orders he gave to his people to afford every assistance, which they did with much alacrity and zeal: so that it seemed ordained of God, that the trade should be transferred from Calicut to Cochin, for the advancement of the Catholic faith in the Indies, and the enrichment of the crown of Portugal[29].

[28] In other parts of Castaneda, this officer is called the kutwal--E.

[29] According to De Barros, the rajah of Cochin was offended by the conduct of the zamorin, on several accounts, and among the rest for monopolising the trade on the Malabar coast.--Astl. I. 43. a. We may easily conceive that one strong ground of favour to the Portuguese at Cochin, was in hopes by their means to throw off the yoke of the zamorin.--E.

After the ships were laden, two Indians came to wait upon the general, who said that they were brothers, and Christians, born in Cranganore near Cochin, who were desirous of going to Portugal, and thence to visit the Pope at Rome, and the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem[30]. Being asked by the general what kind of a city Cranganore was, whether it was entirely inhabited by Christians, and whether these Christians followed the order of the Greek or Roman church, one of them gave the following answers.

[30] One of these Christians died during the voyage, but the other, named Joseph, arrived in Portugal. This is the Josephus Indus , or Joseph the Indian, under whose name there is a short voyage in Grynæus: which properly speaking is only an account of Cranganore and its inhabitants, particularly the Christians and their ceremonies, with some account of Calient, Kambaya, Guzerat, Ormuz, and Narsinga, very short and unsatisfactory.--Astl. I. 48. b.

Cranganore is a large city in the province of Malabar on the mainland, standing near the mouth of a river, by which likewise it is encompassed, inhabited both by idolaters and Christians, and by some Jews who are held in small esteem. It is much frequented by strangers, among whom are merchants from Syria, Egypt, Persia, and Arabia, who come thither to purchase pepper, a great deal of which commodity is gathered in its territories. It has a king of its own, to whom all the Christian inhabitants pay a certain tribute, and have a quarter of their own in the city, where they have a church resembling ours, in which there were crosses, but no images of the saints, and no bells, being summoned to prayers by the priests as in the Greek church. These Christians hail their popes, with twelve cardinals, two patriarchs, and many bishops and archbishops, all of whom reside in Armenia, to which country their bishops always went for consecration. He had been there himself along with a bishop, where he was ordained a priest. That this rule was observed by all the clergy of the Indies and of Cathay, who have to go to the pope or Catholicos of Armenia for consecration. Of their two patriarchs, one resides in the Indies, and the other in Cathay[31], their bishops residing in different cities as it may seem convenient. Their tonsure is made in form of a cross.

[31] Called Caitaio in the original, but obviously Cathay, or Northern China, in which we have formerly seen that there were Nestorian Christians.--E.

The cause of their having a pope is said to have been on the following account: 'When St Peter was residing at Antioch, there happened a great schism, occasioned by Simon Magus, on which Peter was called to Rome to assist the Christians in overthrowing that heresy; and, that he might not leave the eastern church without a shepherd, he appointed a vicar to govern at Antioch, who should become pope after the death of Peter, and should always assist the pope of Armenia. But, after the Moors entered into Syria and Asia Minor, as Armenia remained always in the Christian faith, they came to be governed by twelve cardinals. Marco Polo, in writing concerning Armenia, mentions this pope or Catholicos, and says there are two sects of Christians, the Nestorians and Jacobites, their pope being named Jacobus, whom this Joseph named their Catholicos. The priests of Cranganore are not shaven in the same manner with ours, but shave the whole head, leaving a few hairs on the crown and they have both deacons and subdeacons. In consecrating the elements, they use leavened bread and wine made of raisins, having no other in the country. Their children are not baptized till they are eleven days old, unless they happen to be sickly. They confess as we do, and bury their dead after a similar manner. They do not use the holy oil to the dying, but only bless them; and when any one dies, they gather a large company and feast for eight days, after which the obsequies are celebrated. If any person dies without making a testament, their lands and goods go to the nearest heir; but the widow is entitled to her dower if she remain a year unmarried. On going into church they use holy water. They hold the writings of the four Evangelists in great veneration. They fast during Lent and Advent with much solemnity, and on Easter Eve they neither eat nor drink the whole day. They have regularly sermons on the night of Holy Friday, and they observe the day of the Resurrection with great devotion. Likewise the two following days, and the ensuing Sunday, are particularly kept holy, because on that day St Thomas thrust his hand into the side of our Saviour. Ascension Day, Trinity Sunday, the Assumption and Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, Candlemas Day, Christmas Day, all the days of the apostles, and all the Sundays throughout the year, are kept with much devotion. They sanctify in a particular manner the first day of July every year in honour of St Thomas, but they could give no reason why this was done. They have also native friars and nuns, who live with much regularity. Their priests also live chastely, as those who do otherwise are debarred from executing their functions. They allow of no divorce between married people, who must live together till death. They receive the sacrament regularly three times in every year. They have among them certain learned men, or great doctors, who keep schools, in which they teach the Scriptures, and likewise some excellent interpretations which were left in old times by their ancient doctors. Their dress is similar to that of the Moors. Their day consists of forty hours; and, having no clocks, they judge of the time of the day by the sun, and in the night by the motion of the stars[32]. The general was very glad to receive this Joseph and his brother, and gave orders to provide them with a good cabin in his ship.

[32] In Lichefilds translation, the account of the day of these Indian Christians runs thus, which we do not pretend to understand: "They have their day, which they do call Intercalor , which is of forty hours." This account of the Christians found in India by the Portuguese, is exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory; but it would lead to a most inconvenient length to attempt supplying the deficiency. Those of our readers who are disposed to study this interesting subject, will find it discussed at some length in Mosheim, and there is a good abstract relative to these Oriental sects given by Gibbon, in the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.--E.

While Cabral remained at Cochin, he received messages from the kings of Cananor and Coulan, both considerable princes in the province of Malabar, requesting him to come to their ports, where he should be supplied cheaper than at Cochin, and giving him many offers of friendship. He made answer, with his hearty thanks, that he could not now visit their ports, having already begun to take in his loadings bet that he should certainly visit them on his return to India. Immediately after the Portuguese ships were laden, a fleet of twenty-five great ships, and other small vessels was descried in the offing; and notice was sent by the rajah of Cochin to our general, that this fleet contained fifteen thousand fighting men, and had been fitted out on purpose to make him and all his people prisoners. At the same time the rajah offered to send men to his assistance, if he stood in need; but the general answered he had no need of any such aid at the present, as he trusted, with God's blessing, to convince his enemies they were ill advised in seeking now to attack him, having already given them a trial of his strength; alluding to what he had already done to them at Calicut. The enemy continued to hover off at sea, but did not venture to come nearer than a league, though they seemed in fighting order. Seeing this shyness, the general weighed anchor, and went out with all his fleet against them, having on board the two nayres who were hostages for the factory on shore, but his intentions were to have returned with them to Cochin. Soon after leaving the harbour, a great storm arose with a foul wind, so that he was forced to come to anchor without attaining to the enemy. Next morning, being the 10th January 1501, the wind came fair, and being desirous to attack the fleet of Calicut, the general made sail towards them; but missing the ship commanded by Sancho de Toar, who had parted from the fleet in the night, and that being the largest and best manned ship of the fleet, he deemed it prudent to avoid fighting with so large a force, especially as many of his men were sick. The wind, likewise, was now quite fair for beginning his voyage home, and was quite contrary for going back to Cochin to land the hostages. He determined, therefore, to commence his voyage, and stood out to sea; the enemy following him during the whole of that day, but returned towards Calicut when night drew on. Cabral now turned his attention to the forlorn nayres, who had been five days on board without eating, and by dint of much and kind entreaty, he at length prevailed on them to take food.

On the 15th of January, the fleet came in sight of Cananore, which lies on the coast of Malabar, thirty-one leagues north of Cochin. This is a large city with a fine bay, the houses being built of earth, and covered with flat stones or slates, and it contains many Moors who trade thither for many kinds of goods. The neighbourhood produces hardly any more pepper than is necessary for its own consumpt; but has plenty of ginger, cardamoms, tamarinds, mirabolans, cassia-fistula[33], and other drugs. In several pools of water near this city there are many very large alligators[34], similar to the crocodiles of the Nile, which devour men when they come in their way. They have very large heads with two rows of teeth, and their breath smells like musk, their bodies being covered all over with hard scales like shells. In the bushes near this city there are many large and very venomous serpents, which destroy men by means of their breath. There are bats likewise as large as kites, which have heads like a fox and similar teeth, and the natives often eat these animals. The city of Cananore abounds in fish, flesh, and fruits, but has to import rice from other places. The king or rajah is a bramin, being one of the three kings of Malabar, but is not so rich and powerful as the zamorin, or even as the rajah of Coulan. The general came to anchor at this port, both because he had been invited by the rajah, and because he wished to take on board some cinnamon, of which commodity he had not as yet any on board. He accordingly purchased 400 quintals, and might have had more if he would, but refused it; on which the people of the place concluded that he had no more money. On this coming to the knowledge of the rajah, he sent him word that he would trust him with any quantity he had a mind for of that or any other commodity, till his return from Portugal, or the arrival of any other in his stead. The rajah was induced to make this offer, from his knowledge of the just dealings of the Portuguese, and their faithful performance of their promises. The general sent his hearty thanks to the rajah for his liberality, promising to inform the king his master of his good will, and assuring his highness that he might depend on his constant friendship.

[33] Named Canyfistola in Lichefilds translation.

[34] Lagartos in the original.

Cabral now took on board an ambassador from the rajah of Cananore for the king of Portugal, who was sent to conclude a treaty of amity between them. Departing from Cananore, and standing across the gulf, he took a great ship richly laden on the last of January: But on learning that it belonged to the king of Cambaya, he permitted it to proceed on its voyage uninjured; sending word to that sovereign, that the Portuguese did not come to the Indies to make war on any one, excepting indeed with the zamorin of Calicut, who had scandalously broken the peace which had been made between them. He therefore only took a pilot out of this ship, to conduct him through the gulf between India and Africa. While continuing their voyage, and approaching the African shore, a great storm arose on the 12th of February, by which in the night the ship of Sancho de Toar was driven on shore, and taking fire was entirely burnt, the men only being saved. As the tempest still continued, they were unable to stop at Melinda, or any other place till they came to Mozambique, where they cast anchor, in order to take in water and to refit their ships, the seams of which were all open. From this place, the general dispatched Sancho de Toar to discover Sofala, with orders to make the best of his way from that place to Portugal, with an account of its productions.

The ships being refitted, Cabral resumed the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, near which they again experienced a violent storm, in which one of the ships was separated from the fleet, after firing signals of distress, and was never seen again during the voyage. At length, after many great storms and dangers, which it were tedious to recount, Cabral doubled the Cape on Whitsunday the 22d of May; whence continuing his voyage with a fair wind, he came to anchor at Cape Verd, where he found Diego Diaz, who had separated from the fleet on the outward bound voyage. Diaz had been driven into the Red Sea, where he wintered and lost his boat, and as most of his men died from sickness, his pilot could not venture to carry him to India. He endeavoured therefore to find his way back to Portugal; but after leaving the Red Sea, his men were so consumed with hunger, thirst, and sickness, that only seven of his crew remained. After remaining some time at Cape Verd waiting in vain for the missing ships, Cabral proceeded on his voyage, and arrived safe at Lisbon on the last day of July, in the year 1501. Soon after his arrival, the ship which had separated in a storm off the Cape of Good Hope, came in; and shortly after that, Sancho de Toar arrived from Sofala. He described Sofala as a small island close on the continent of Africa, inhabited by a black people called Caffres; and reported that much gold is brought to this place from certain mines on the adjacent continent; on which account Sofala is much frequented by Moors from India, who barter merchandize of small value for gold. He brought along with him to Lisbon a Moor whom he had received as an hostage or pledge for the safety of one of his own men, whom he had left there to acquire a knowledge of the country and its language; and from this Moor they got ample information respecting the people and trade of those parts of Africa, which I shall afterwards communicate. Including this last ship, there returned six to Portugal out of the twelve which had sailed on the voyage for India, the other six having been lost.

Note.--In the Novus Orbus of Simon Grynaeus, p. 202-211, there is an article entitled, Short Account of India, by Joseph, an Indian Christian, who accompanied Cabral[A] to Lisbon in 1501 . We were inclined to have inserted this account at this part of our collection as an ancient and original document: But, on an attentive perusal, it is so jejune, contused, and uninstructive as not to merit attention. It evidently appears to have been penned by some person in Cabral's ship during the voyage home, from repeated conferences with Joseph: But, as the writer of this article informs us himself, many particulars were unknown to Joseph, because he had little intercourse with the idolaters, or because the reporter could not understand the answers which Joseph made to his inquiries.--E.

[A] In Grynaeus, Pedro Alvarez de Cabral, is named Peter Aliares.--E.

SECTION IV.

Voyage of John de Nueva, being the third made by the Portuguese to India .

Is the same year 1501, supposing all differences to have been settled amicably at Calicut by Cabral, and that a regular trade was established both there and at Sofala and Quiloa, the king of Portugal dispatched three ships and a caravel from Lisbon, under the command of John de Neuva, a native of Galicia in Spain, who was accounted a valiant gentleman; having under his orders, Francisco de Navoys, Diego Barboso, and Hernando de la Pyna, as captains of three of the ships. Two ships of this fleet were destined to carry merchandize to Sofala[1], and the other two to Calicut, and all the four contained only eighty men[2]. The instructions given to Nueva were, that he was to touch at the island of St Blas, where he was to wait ten days if any of his ships had separated. He was then to proceed for Sofala, where, if a factory were settled he was to deliver the goods destined for that place before going to India. If a factory were not already settled there, he was to do every thing in his power for that purpose, leaving Alvaro de Braga there as factor, with the merchandize embarked in the caravel for that market. From Sofala, he was to proceed to Quiloa; and thence directly to Calicut. He was farther directed, in case of meeting with Cabral, to obey him as general, and desire him to settle a factory at Sofala, if his own attempt should fail.

[1] It afterwards appears that one vessel only was destined for this particular trade: Perhaps the second was meant for Quiloa.--E.

[2] According to Astley, I. 49. the crews of these four vessels consisted in all of 400 men.--E.

Nueva left Lisbon on this voyage in March, four months before the return of Cabral, and arrived in safety at the isle of St Blas; where he found a letter in an old shoe suspended from the branch of a tree, written by Pedro de Tayde[3], informing him that the fleet of Cabral had passed this island on its way back to Portugal, and giving an account of what had happened at Calicut, of the good treatment the fleet had received at Cochin, where some of our men remained, and of the friendly disposition of the king of Cananor[4]. On consulting with the other captains, it was judged improper to leave the caravel at Sofala, in these circumstances, as their whole force did not exceed eighty men; wherefore they proceeded directly for Quiloa, where they found one of the exiles who had been left there by Cabral, from whom they received a particular account of all that had happened at Calicut, and of the loss of several of his ships, all of which he had learnt from some Moors. From Quiloa Nueva sailed on to Melinda, where the king confirmed the intelligence he had received from the exile at Quiloa[5]. Thus fully instructed in the state of matters, Nueva deemed it prudent to keep all the ships of his small squadron, and sailed across from Melinda to Anchediva, where he came to anchor in November, intending to take in a supply of water at that place. While here, seven large ships belonging to Cambaya, which were bound for the Red Sea, appeared off the anchoring ground, and seemed at first disposed to attack our ships; but being afraid of the Portuguese ordnance, they continued their voyage. From Anchediva Nueva proceeded for Cananor, where he had an audience of the rajah, from whom he received particular notice of all that had happened in Calicut to Cabral, and of the offer which the rajah had made to load all his ships at Cananor. The rajah assured him of his earnest desire of doing every thing in his power to serve the king of Portugal, and pressed him to take in his loading at that port; but Nueva declined this offer for the present, until he had consulted with the factor at Cochin, for which port he took his departure from Cananor. On his way between Cananor and Cochin, Nueva took a ship belonging to some of the Moorish merchants at Calicut, after a vigorous resistance, and set it on fire.

[3] Called de Atayde by Astley.--E.

[4] According to Astley, I. 49. Nueva discovered in this outward voyage the Island of Conception, in lat. 8° S. But this circumstance does not occur in Castaneda.--E.

[5] Before arriving at Melinda, Nueva gave chase to two large ships belonging to the Moors, one of which he took and burnt, but the other escaped.--Astl. I. 49.

On his arrival at Cochin, the factor who had been left there by Cabral came on board with the rest of his company, and acquainted him that the rajah was greatly offended with Cabral for leaving the port without seeing him, and for carrying away the hostages; yet had always kindly entertained and the other members, of the factory, lodging them every night in the palace for security, and always sending a guard of nayres along with any of them who had occasion to go out during the day, on purpose to defend them from the Moors who sought their destruction, and who had one night set fire to the house in which they lodged before their removal to the palace. He also informed Nueva that the Moors had persuaded the native merchants to depreciate the price of the Portuguese merchandize, and not to take these in exchange for pepper, so that unless he had brought money for his purchases he would have little chance of procuring a loading. On this intelligence, and considering that he had not brought money, Nueva immediately returned from Cochin to Cananor, expecting to procure his loading at that port, in consequence of the friendly dispositions of the rajah towards the king of Portugal[6]. On his return to Cananor, he found that money was as necessary there for his purchases as at Cochin: But, when the rajah, was informed of his difficulties from want of money, he became his security to the native merchants for 1000 quintals or hundred weights of pepper, 450 quintals of cinnamon, and fifty quintals of ginger, besides some bales of linen cloth[7]. By this generous conduct of the rajah, Nueva procured a loading for his ships, and left his European merchandize for sale at Cananor under the management of a factor and two clerks.

[6] According to De Faria, Nueva took in a part of his loading; at Cochin, with a view perhaps to preserve the credit of the Portuguese nation at that place.--Astl. I. 50. a.

[7] In the original this linen cloth is said to have been made of algadon , a word left untranslated by Lichefild, probably al-cotton , or some such Arabic word for cotton: The linen cloth, therefore, was some kind of calico or muslin.--E.

On the 15th December, while waiting for a fair wind to begin his homeward voyage, the rajah sent notice to Nueva that eighty paraws were seen to the northward, which were past mount Dely , and that these vessels were from Calicut, sent expressly to attack the Portuguese ships; and the rajah advised him to land his men and ordnance for greater security: But the general was not of this mind, and sent word to the rajah that he hoped, with the assistance of God, to be able to defend himself. Next day, being the 16th of December, before dawn, about an hundred ships and paraws full of Moors came into the bay, sent on purpose by the zamorin, who was in hopes to have taken all our ships and men. As soon as Nueva perceived this numerous armament, he hoisted anchor and removed his squadron to the middle of the bay, where he ordered all his ships to pour in their shot against the enemy without intermission. Doubtless, but for this, the enemy would have boarded his ships, and they were so numerous it would have been impossible for him to have escaped; but as the Moors had no ordnance, they could do our people no harm from a distance, and many of their ships and paraws were sunk, with the loss of a vast number of men, while they did not dare to approach for the purpose of boarding, and not a single person was killed or hurt on our side. The enemy towards evening hung out a flag for a parley; but as Nueva feared this might be intended as a lure, he continued firing, lest they might suppose he stopped from weariness or fear. But the Moors were really desirous of peace, owing to the prodigious loss they had sustained, and their inability to escape from the bay for want of a fair wind. At length, most of his ordnance being burst or rendered unserviceable by the long-continued firing, and seeing that the Moors still kept up their flag of truce, Nueva ceased firing and answered them by another flag[8]. Immediately on this, a Moor came to Neuva in a small boat, to demand a cessation of hostilities till next day. This was granted, on condition that they should quit the bay and put out to sea, which they did accordingly. Although the wind was very unfavourable, Nueva stood out to sea likewise, which the enemy could hardly do, as their ships and paraws can only make sail with a fair wind. Notwithstanding all that had happened, Nueva was constrained to come to anchor close to the fleet of the enemy, and gave orders to keep strict watch during the night. At one time they were heard rowing towards our fleet, and it was supposed they intended setting our ships on fire; on which Neuva ordered to veer out more cable, to get farther off. Perceiving that the boats of the enemy continued to follow, he commanded a gun to be fired at them, on which they made off; and the wind coming off shore and somewhat fair, they made sail for Calicut.

[8] According to De Faria, five great ships and nine paraws were sunk in this action. De Barros says ten merchant ships and nine paraws.--Astl. I. 50. c.

Nueva, after returning thanks to God for deliverance from his enemies, took his leave of the rajah of Cananor, and departed for Portugal, where he arrived in safety with all his ships[9].

[9] On this part of the voyage, Astley remarks, on the authority of De Faria, that Nueva touched at the island of St Helena, which he found destitute of inhabitants; though it was found peopled by De Gama in his first voyage, only four years before. What is called the island of St Helena in De Gamas first voyage, is obviously one of the head-lands of St Elens bay on the western coast of Africa. The island of St Helena is at a vast distance from the land, in the middle of the Atlantic ocean.--E.