A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 02 · Chapter 24Chapter IV. (5)
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[3] This passage alludes to the voyage of Antonio de Noli in 1462. And it may be remarked, that de Faria, who mentions the discovery of these islands by Noli, takes no notice of the actual discovery by Cada Mosto. --Astl.
Leaving the first island, we came in sight of the other two, and searched for an anchoring place near one of them, which was full of trees. Discovering the mouth of a river, and being in want of water, we came to anchor, and sent our boats on shore to supply our wants. Some of our people went a little way up the river, where they found some small lakes containing remarkably fine white salt, of which they brought large quantities to the ships, laying in what store was thought necessary, as we did likewise of water. We found here great numbers of tortoises, or turtle, the shells of which were larger than a target. The sailors cooked these into different dishes, as they had done before in the gulf of Arguin, where these animals are found in plenty, but not so large as here. Out of curiosity I eat some of the flesh of these tortoises, which seemed very good, having a good smell and taste, and was not inferior to veal. We salted a great number of them, which proved a valuable addition to our stock of provisions during the voyage. We caught likewise a prodigious quantity of fish, both off the mouth of the river and in the stream; and, though we knew not the kinds, they were large and well-flavoured. The mouth of this river is a good arrow-shot across, and it is deep enough to admit a vessel of 150 tons. We remained two days in this place for refreshments, taking in a good stock of tortoises and fish, and large quantities of pigeons, which we killed without number. To the first island at which we anchored we gave the name of Bona Vista , as being the first we got sight of; and to this other, which seemed the largest of the four, the name of St Jago, having cast anchor there on the day of St Philip and St James. Every thing being in readiness for pursuing our voyage, we took our departure from these islands, and shaped our course for Cape Verd. We arrived at Spedegar , and keeping within sight of land, we came to a place named the Two Palms , which is between Cape Verd and the river Senegal. Being perfectly acquainted with the coast, we doubled the Cape next day, and came once more to the river Gambia, into which we immediately entered; and, finding no opposition from the Negroes or their almadias, we sailed up the river, always by day, and continually sounding. Such of the almadias as we saw on the river kept at a distance, close to the banks of the river, and never ventured to approach. About ten miles up the river we cast anchor on a Sunday morning, at an island where one of our sailors was buried who had died of a fever; and as his name happened to be Andrew, we called it the island of St Andrew[4].
[4] The editor of Astleys Collection considers this as having been St Jameses island, which is about twenty miles up the Gambia: But there is a small island near the northern bank, now called Charles I. which exactly corresponds with the distance in the text.--E.
Leaving this island we proceeded up the river, followed by some of the Negroes in their almadias, yet always keeping at a considerable distance. Our interpreters often hailed them, and shewed them various trinkets, which were offered for their acceptance, and endeavoured to entice them to come near, by telling them that we were good-natured civilized people, from whom they had nothing to fear. Wrought upon by these representations, the Negroes at length approached, and came up with my caravel; and at last one of them, who understood the language of our interpreter, came on board. He was greatly surprized at every thing he saw in and about the caravel, especially with the sails and rigging, having no other idea of moving a vessel on the water but by means of oars. He was no less amazed at our colour and dress, as his nation mostly go stark naked, or with a single white cotton shirt as their sole dress. We were exceedingly kind and attentive to this Negro, and made him many presents of trinkets, and other things of small value, with which he was much delighted. I asked him many questions respecting the country, through our interpreter, and at length learnt that we were in the country of Gambia, of which Forosangoli was chief lord; and, by what we could learn from him, the residence of Forosangoli was at the distance of nine or ten days journey, in a direction between the south and the southwest. He said that Forosangoli was tributary to the king of Melli, who is the great emperor of the Negroes; that there were many inferior lords, who dwelt near the river on both sides, and, if we pleased, he would conduct us to the residence of one of these lords, named Battimansa, and would endeavour to negociate a treaty of peace and friendship between him and us. Being much pleased with this offer, we carried this Negro along with us, and treated him with much attention; and, sailing up the river, we came to the place where Battimansa resided, which, in my opinion, was above forty miles from the mouth of the river. In going up the river, into which several lesser rivers fall, we sailed to the eastwards, and at the place where we came to anchor, we found it much narrower than at the mouth, being not above a mile in breadth, by our estimation[5]. On coming to this place, we sent one of our interpreters and the native Negro to Battimansa, with a present of a handsome garment, called an alzimba , made of Moorish silk, in the form of a shirt; and they were desired to inform him of the reason of our coming into his country, signifying, "That the Christian king of Portugal had sent us thither, to enter into a treaty of friendship and peace with him, and that if he had any call for our commodities, our king would supply him with them every year."
[5] According to our best maps or charts of the Gambia, this river is never less than four miles broad, and generally above five, till we get near 100 miles up the river, to the reach which encircles the Devils Point, where it still is two miles wide. It is possible that the original journal of Cada Mosto may have had leagues of three marine miles each, in which case the residence of Battimansa may have been at or near the Devils Point, above 100 miles up the river.--E.
As soon as our messengers had discharged their commission, Battimansa sent some of his Negroes to the caravel, with whom we entered into friendship, and bartered several things for Negro slaves and some gold; but gold was by no means to be had in any thing like the plenty we expected, from the account given of this country by the natives of Senegal, who, being themselves extremely poor, consider that to be a large quantity which we think very trifling. The Negroes value their gold as a very precious thing, even at a higher rate than the Portuguese, yet we got it in barter very reasonably for things of very small value. We continued here eleven days, during which the caravels were continually resorted to by great numbers of Negroes from both sides of the river, who came to see the novelties, and to sell their goods, among which there were a few gold rings. Part of their commodities consisted of cotton cloth and cotton yarn; some of the pieces being all white, some striped blue and white, and others again with red, blue, and white stripes, all very well wrought and coloured. They likewise brought civet for sale, the skins of civet-cats, monkies, large and small baboons of various sorts; and these last being very plenty they sold them cheap, or for something not exceeding ten marquets in value, for each; and the ounce of civet for what was not worth more than forty or fifty marquets; not that they sold their commodities by weight, but I judged the quantity to be about an ounce. Other Negroes brought various sorts of fruit for sale, among which were many small wild dates, which they seemed to think much of, but which our people thought not good, as the taste was different from those of Europe: As for me, I would not venture to eat any of them, lest they might have given me the flux, or some other distemper. Our ships were every day crowded with people of different aspects and languages[6], and the natives were continually going up and down the river from one place to another, both men and women, in their almadias. They have no sails, and propel their almadias entirely with oars, which they use on both sides, all the rowers standing up. One man stands at the stern, who rows sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, to keep the almadia steady in her course. They have no pins or row- locks to steady their oars, but hold them fast with both hands; their oar being a pole, like a half lance, seven feet and a half long, with a round board like a trencher fastened to one end, and with these they row with great safety and swiftness, in the mouths of their rivers, which are very numerous; but they seldom go out to sea, or to any distance from their own coasts, lest they should be taken by their neighbours and sold for slaves.
[6] Though this country will be amply described in other voyages in our Collection, it may be proper to remark, that both sides of the river Gambia are inhabited by a mixed population of three nations, the Feloops, Foleys, and Mandingoes, each of whom have their own separate villages interspersed. This population is divided into many states, lordships, or little kingdoms; as Joalli, Barrah, Kolar, Badibu, Barsalli, &c. on or near the northern bank; Kumbo, Fonia, Kaen, Jagra, Yamini, &c. on the southern.--E.
SECTION IX.
Some Account of the Manners and Customs on the Gambia, and of the Elephant and Hippopotamus.
It now remains for me to relate what I observed and was informed of concerning this country, during my short stay. The religion of the Negroes of Gambia consists of various kinds of idolatry; they place great reliance on sorcery and other diabolical things, yet all believe in God. There are many Mahometans among them, who trade to many countries, yet are not settled in houses, because the natives are ignorant[1]. They live very much in the same manner with the natives of Senegal, and have the same kinds of provisions; but they cultivate more sorts of rice. They eat dogs flesh, which I never heard of being used anywhere else. They are clothed in cotton garments, and have great abundance of cotton in their country, which may be the reason of the Gambians not going naked, as those of Senegal do, where cotton is very scarce. The women dress in the same manner; and, when they are very young, take great delight in delineating figures on their necks, breasts, and arms, with the point of a hot needle, which are never obliterated, and which resemble the flowers and ornaments which are wrought on silk handkerchiefs. The country is excessively hot, and the heat increases as we go to the south; besides which, we found it much hotter up the river than at sea, owing to the immense number of trees with which the country everywhere abounds. Some of these trees are of very great dimensions. Near a spring where our sailors were in use to fill our water casks, not far from the banks of the river, there grew an exceedingly large tree, but its height was by no means proportional to its thickness; for, though it measured seventeen cubits in girth near the ground, its height, by estimation, was only twenty paces. This tree was hollow, but the branches were very large, avid extended to a great distance, forming a thick and ample shade. But there were many other trees much larger than this, by which the richness and fertility of the soil may be easily conceived; and the country is intersected by numerous streams.
[1] The meaning of this expression is obscure. Perhaps it implies that their Mahometan teachers had no mosques, because the Negroes were ignorant of the means and method of construction. The knowledge of God among the northern Negroes was assuredly due exclusively to the Mahometan missionaries.--E.
There are many elephants in this country, but the natives are ignorant of the art of taming these animals, as is practised in other countries. One day, while we lay at anchor in the middle of the river, we observed three elephants come out from the wood and walk by the river side, on which we sent our boat with some of the people towards them, but they immediately returned into the wood. These were all I ever saw alive; but, sometime afterwards, Guumi-mensa[2], one of the Negro lords, shewed me a dead young elephant, which he had killed after a chase of two days. The Negroes hunt on foot in the woods, using only arrows and assagays, or javelins, which are all poisoned. When they hunt the elephant they conceal themselves behind trees, and even sometimes mount to their tops, leaping from one tree to another in pursuit of the elephant, which, being a large unweildy animal, is often wounded in many places before it can turn round, or place itself in a posture of defence; but, in an open field, no person dare attack one, nor could even the swiftest escape from their pursuit, as I have been informed by many of the Negroes. The teeth of this dead elephant, which was shewn me by Guumi-Mensa, one of which still remained in the jaw, did not exceed three spans long, which distinctly shews that it was quite young in comparison of those whose teeth are from ten to twelve spans in length; yet, small as it was for an elephant, we computed that the weight of its carcass was equal to five or six oxen. Guumi-Mensa made me a present of what part of this elephant I liked best, and gave the remainder to his huntsmen to feast on. Understanding that elephants flesh was eaten by the Negroes, I had some both roasted and boiled, of which I tasted, that I might be able to say that I had fed upon the flesh of an animal which had never been eaten by any of my countrymen; but I found it hard, and of an unpleasant relish. I brought one of the legs and a part of the trunk on board our caravel, together with some of the hair from its body, which was a span and a half long, of a black colour, and very thick. On my return to Portugal, I presented this hair to Don Henry, together with a part of the flesh salted up for that express purpose, which he received with much satisfaction, as it was the first of the kind that had been brought from the countries that were discovered under his auspices. The foot of the elephant is round, like that of a horse, but without hoofs; instead of which it is covered by a very thick, hard, black skin, and defended by five nails on the fore part, which are round and of the size of a grossone [3]. Though young, the foot of this elephant measured a span and a half in diameter. From the same Negro lord I received the foot of a full-grown elephant, the sole of which was three spans and an inch in diameter; which, together with a tooth of twelve spans long, I presented to Don Henry on my return, who sent it afterwards as a great curiosity to the Dutchess of Burgundy.
[2] Called Gnumi-Mensa in Grynaeus. According to Jobson, Mensa, or Mansa, signifies a king in the Mandingo language.--Astl.
[3] A Venetian silver coin, not exceeding a silver penny.--Astl.
In the river Gambia, and in other rivers on this coast, besides the Calcatrici [4] and other animals, there is one called the river horse , or hippopotamus, of the same nature almost with the sea cow, and which lives both on land and in the water. This animal is as large in the body as a cow, with very short legs and cloven feet, having a large head like that of a horse, and two huge teeth like the tusks of a wild boar, some of which I have seen upwards of two spans long. This animal, when it gets out of the river, walks on the land like any other fourfooted beast; and, so far as I know, was never before discovered by any Christian traveller, except perhaps in the Nile. We saw likewise a number of bats, or rather owls, upwards of three spans long; and many other birds, quite different from those of our country, both in appearance and taste, yet very good to eat.
[4] This animal is nowhere explained. Perhaps the crocodile or alligator.--E.
SECTION X.
Continuation of the Voyage from the Gambia to the river Kasa-Mansa, Cape Roxo, the rivers of St Ann and St Domingo, and the Rio Grande.
Having continued eleven days in the river Gambia, and many of our people becoming affected by acute fevers, we dropt down the river on the evening of the eleventh day, departing from the country of Batti-Mansa[1], and got out of the river in a few days, so stocked with commodities as to encourage us to proceed farther; and indeed, having been so far successful, and having a plentiful supply of provisions, and every thing necessary for prosecuting the voyage, we considered as incumbent on us to attempt some farther discoveries towards the south. We accordingly steered southwards with a favourable wind; but finding the land to run a considerable way to the S.S.W. from the mouth of the Gambia, to a certain point which we took for a cape[2], we stood out to the west to gain the open sea, the whole coast to the south of the Gambia being low, and covered with trees to the waters edge. On gaining an offing, we found that the beforementioned point was no actual cape or promontory, as the shore appeared perfectly straight on the other side; yet we kept at some distance out to sea, as we observed breakers for several miles out to sea[3]. On this account we had to proceed with great caution, keeping always two men at the head of the ship, and one in the main-top, to look out for shoals and breakers; and as a farther precaution, we sailed only during the day, and came to anchor every night. In this cautious progress, our caravels sailed always one before the other, having fixed the order of sailing by lot, and changed the leader every day, in order to avoid all disputes.
[1] At this place Grynaeus calls him Batrinense; though he had named him rightly Bati-mansa before.--Astl.
[2] This is now called Cape St Mary.--E.
[3] This seems to allude to what is now called Bald Cape, about twenty miles south from Cape St Mary, and stretching somewhat farther west; from which there extends breakers or sunken rocks a considerable distance from the land.--E.
At the end of two days sail in this manner, always in sight of land, we discovered on the third day the mouth of a river about half a mile wide[4], and towards evening we observed a little gulf or inlet, which we supposed might be the entrance of another river; but as it grew late, we came to anchor for the night. Next morning we sailed into this gulf, and found that it was the mouth of a large river, not a great deal less in my opinion than the Gambia, and both its banks were full of very beautiful tall trees. We cast anchor within the mouth of this river, and agreed to send two armed boats on shore with our interpreters to get intelligence respecting the country, according to our usual practice. This was done accordingly, and our interpreters, brought back word that the river was called Kasamansa, from a Negro lord of that name who resided at a place about thirty miles up the river; but who was absent from his residence, on a warlike expedition against the lord of a neighbouring territory.
[4] Between the mouth of the Gambia and that of the Casamansa, there are three inlets, which appear to be smaller mouths of the latter river. The most northern of these is named St Peter, the most southerly Oyster river; the intermediate one has no name.--E.
On receiving this intelligence, we sailed from this river next day, without attempting any traffic with the natives. This river of Kasamansa is twenty-five leagues, or 100 miles to the south of the Gambia[5]. Standing on about twenty-five miles farther, we came to a cape which is a little more elevated than the rest of the coast, and as its front had a red colour, we named it Cape Roxo , or Rosso . Proceeding forwards, we came to the mouth of a pretty large river about a crossbow-shot wide, which we did not enter, but to which we gave the name of the river of St Ann. Farther on still, we came to the mouth of another river, not less than the former, which we named St Dominic, or St Domingo[7]; distant from Cape Rosso, by our estimation, between fifty-five and sixty miles. In another days sailing, we came to a very large river, which at first appeared to be a gulf, and was judged to be about twenty miles in breadth; but we could observe the beautiful trees on the south side, and it took us a considerable time to sail across to that side. On getting over to that side, we observed several islands in the sea, and as we wished to procure some intelligence concerning the country, we came to an anchor. Next morning two almadias came off to us from the land, one of which was as long as a caravel, and carried about thirty hands; the other was smaller, and was manned by sixteen Negroes. They came towards us with great eagerness; and, not knowing what might be their design, we took to our arms and waited their approach. As they drew near, they fixed a white cloth to the end of an oar, which they held up as a signal of peace, and we answered them in a similar manner. The Negroes then came alongside of our ships, the largest of the almadias coming up to the caravel in which I was. They gazed at every thing they saw, examining the form of the ship, the masts, yards, sails, and rigging with much attention, and they seemed astonished at seeing the white colour of our people. Our interpreters spoke to them, in order to learn the name of the country, but could not understand a word of their language, which was a great mortification to us, as we were obliged to leave the place without getting any intelligence; but we purchased a few gold rings from one of the Negroes, agreeing about the price by signs.
[5] The actual distance is barely a degree of latitude, or less than seventy English miles. Cada Mosto probably estimated by the log, the more circuitous track by sea.--E.
[6] Cada Mosto does not mention the remarkable change which takes place here in the direction of the coast. From the Gambia to Cape Rosso, the coast runs direct south; after which its direction is E.S.E. to the mouth of the river St Ann.--E.
[7] Called in modern charts, Rio S. Dominica.--E.
Finding ourselves in a country where our interpreters were of no use, and considering therefore that it would be to no purpose for us to proceed any farther, we determined to return. We stayed two days in the mouth of this large river, which we therefore named Rio Grande[8], and where we found the north pole very low[9]. In this place we found great irregularity in the tides; for, whereas at Venice, and all other places in Europe, the flux and reflux are each of six hours continuance, the tide here only flows four hours, and ebbs eight, and the violence of the flowing tide is quite incredible, insomuch that we had great difficulty to stem it with three anchors a-head. Nay, such was its impetuosity, that we were sometimes obliged to hoist our sails, and even then it exceeded the force of the wind.
[8] According to de Faria, Rio Grande was discovered by Nunez Tristan in 1447, nine years before it was visited by Cada Mosto.--Astl.
[9] Cada Mosto is exceedingly superficial in his account of the Rio Grande; and it even seems dubious if he ever saw or entered this river, as he appears to have mistaken the navigable channel between the main and the shoals of the Rio Grande for the river itself; which channel extends above 150 English miles, from the island of Bulam in the E.S.E. to the open sea in the W.N.W. This channel agrees with his description, in being twenty miles wide, whereas the real Rio Grande is greatly smaller than the Gambia.--E.
Taking our departure from the mouth of this vast river, on our way back to Portugal, we directed our course to two large islands and some small ones, which lay about thirty miles distance from the continent, which we found quite low, yet full of large and beautiful green trees, and inhabited by Negroes[10]. Encountering here the same difficulty of intercourse, for want of knowing their language, we made no stop, but took our departure for Portugal, where we arrived in safety.
[10] These may be the island of Waring and the Marsh islands, at the north-western entry of the channel of the Rio Grande, forming part of the Bissagos islands.--E.
SECTION XI.
The Voyage of Piedro de Cintra to Sierra Leona, and the Windward coast of Guinea; written by Alvise da Cada Mosto.
The two voyages to the coast of Africa in which Cada Mosto was engaged, and which have, been narrated in the foregoing Sections of this Chapter, were followed by others; and, after the death of Don Henry, two armed caravels were sent out upon discovery by orders from the king of Portugal, under the command of Piedro de Cintra, one of the gentlemen of his household, with injunctions to proceed farther along the coast of the Negroes than had hitherto been effected, and to prosecute new discoveries. In this expedition, Piedro de Cintra was accompanied by a young Portuguese who had formerly been clerk to Cada Mosto in his two voyages; and who, on the return of the expedition to Lagos, came to the house of his former employer, who then continued to reside at Lagos, and gave him an account of the discoveries which had been made in this new voyage, and the names of all the places which had been touched at by Piedro de Cintra, beginning from the Rio Grande, the extreme point of the former voyage[1].
[1] For this exordium or introduction, we are indebted to the editor of Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, said to have been a Mr John Green. The infant Don Henry of Portugal died in 1463; so that there must have been an interval of six or seven years between the second voyage of Cada Mosto and this of Piedro de Cintra: Though de Faria seems to put this voyage as having been executed before the death of that excellent prince, yet Cada Mosto, who then actually resided at Lagos, could not be mistaken is this important particular.-- Astl.
De Cintra first went to the two large inhabited islands at the mouth of the Rio Grande which I had discovered in my second voyage, where he landed, and ordered his interpreters to make the usual inquiries at the inhabitants; but they could not make themselves understood, nor could they understand the language of the natives. Going therefore into the interior, they found the habitations of the Negroes to consist of poor thatched cabins, in some of which they found wooden idols, which were worshipped by the Negroes. Being unable to procure any information in this place, Cintra proceeded, in his voyage along the coast, and came to the mouth of a large river between three and four miles wide, which he called Besegue, from a lord of that name who dwelt near its mouth, and which he reckoned to be about forty miles from the mouth of the Rio Grande[2]. Proceeding about 140 miles from the river Besegue, along a very hilly coast; clothed with high trees, and having a very beautiful appearance, they came to a cape to which they gave the name of Verga[3]. Continuing along the coast, they fell in with another cape, which, in the opinion of all the seamen, was the highest they had ever seen, having a sharp conical height in the middle like a diamond, yet entirely covered with beautiful green trees. After the name of the fortress of Sagres, which was built by the deceased Don Henry on Cape St Vincent, the Portuguese named this point Cape Sagres of Guinea. According to the account of the Sailors, the inhabitants of this coast are idolaters, worshipping wooden images in the shape of men, before which they make offerings of victuals as often as they eat or drink. These people are more of a tawny colour than black, having marks on their faces and bodies made with hot irons. They go almost entirely naked, except that they wear pieces of the bark of trees before them. They have no arms, as there is no iron in their country. They live on rice, millet, beans, and kidney beans, larger than ours; and have also beef and goats flesh, but not in any great abundance. Near to Cape Sagres there are several very small uninhabited islands.