A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 02 · Chapter 16Chapter II. (3)
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On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on their journey towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules. Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italian miles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in the neighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: The women always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tents and cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and ride upon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persian nation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, and it is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are very careful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even the poorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by this means, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist of many more persons than it actually contains. When the king entered Ecbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left the camp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the king never had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents were exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented with scarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing at a high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as we belonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with an invitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments. We were always treated with much civility, and never received any injuries or affronts.
On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris, when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himself patriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at the camp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and we accordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the king gave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarch presented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarlet silk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making many great offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in very magnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and which the king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner, during which the king started many questions, to which he gave very pertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents.
On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings were appointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarch and us to court; and although he had three or four times informed me already that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleague Barbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, and had done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went to court, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he ordered to return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, would very shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken the field with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises. He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell your masters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desire them to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted to carry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, and have seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christian princes of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions." I offered several reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, which gave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expression of countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I command you. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them of my sentiments and the reasons of your return." In this state of embarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to comply with a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "My departure, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, I make no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I may go, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours I have received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes of Christendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy." My speech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to his wonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent some Persian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and very beautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and some money to assist us during our journey.
We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out on the 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in a pleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; about twenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures were eaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th of June the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presents for our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for the Duke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus, who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presents consisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion, two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usually fastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience- chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length the king turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows: "You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them and all the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligence in taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concerted between them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present in Constantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. As for myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebellious son, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain here at hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require." He gave orders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all the princes of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with more satisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape and must necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we prepared for our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till next day. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry during the night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the Ruiscasson , or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of the hill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on the appearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to us as if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming to the royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slaves exclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and that at least 10,000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily saw through the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troops were merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed their position to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the Ruiscasson gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents. From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force of this king cannot exceed 20,000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklers about eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of very thin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Their usual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have small leathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets and cuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. In regard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, I shall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer during the recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary my readers with any lengthened detail.
SECTION V.
Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to the city Phasis.
Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M. Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sincere grief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection of God, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by the patriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persian ambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birds of bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounter in the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerly mentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the mass regularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stock of provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers of Georgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrived on the 12th of July at Typsi [1], which is subject to the king of the Georgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs the river Tigre , and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of an eminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almost utterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many good catholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person named Arminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we found a few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains, but these were rare and distant.
[1] This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or Cyrus, erroneously named Tigre in the text. The proper name of this country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia.--E.
On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced to meet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forest surrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when he invited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spread before us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat and fowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequently presented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place all dignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom, at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, and he who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem. As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day on their usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor would compete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was about forty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to the Tartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and on the 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgian commander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who was posted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had broke out in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of that country. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces; but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, and having to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and made the best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck off into a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension.
On the following day, while approaching the city of Cotati [2], we met some peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from going forwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation, and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks[3], which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On the evening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing a bridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we were again attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after many threats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they would allow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we entered Mingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under the canopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers to encounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by means of rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named Maresca , sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at first with much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which we were conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on all sides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her a present of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at first she pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as she insisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. We expressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to represent our inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to no purpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might even have plundered us of every thing.
[2] Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text. --E.
[3] These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;--E.
Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at Phasis on the 27th of July, some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with Martha the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having run many risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news, that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea, by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparently from every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress on receiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, we were so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or to which hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upon going through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. It was to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under at the beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To this he answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were a sufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. I insisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty, but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkish ambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion. In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador who was joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned my intention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve my plan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise of keeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of taking their journey through the province of Gorgore , which is subject to Calcicanus , and to the city of Vati ,[4] which is on the frontiers of the Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior.
[4] This proposed route seems to have been through the province of Guria to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten, into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond.--E.
The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day Marcus Ruffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback, and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati, by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alone in a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were the embarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with a single individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and had very little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair, of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress I fell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but bread and water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my fever increased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics were attacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted, who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress, which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life was despaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the cares of Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy of God, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to the astonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we began again to consult on the best means of escaping out of our present situation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this too dangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going by Shamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I got accordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rode two miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. I was, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where we remained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health and strength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored the protection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into my service, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me a thousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount.
SECTION VI.
Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, into Media, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary.
Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and taking the road of Mingrelia, we came to Cotati , or Cutais, on the 21st of that month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our late illness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I had hired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him as handsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people who knew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving that place, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over several mountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September, where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, who had more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but who rendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him, and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which had raged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants, named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about me during two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. At length, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distemper shewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the house could not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel where some cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeo to remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same place with myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take him out of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced great difficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get away from the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In this extremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, who understood a little of our language, and who served us with much affection.
We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the evening before our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who had accompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously of having been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom he had travelled to Lavógasia , where he had left him, and was now on his road to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company from Tiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis[1]. From thence in two days we entered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towards Shamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasant country. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun- Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of Sivanse , in which Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurred a molah , or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. This country is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by Sivanse , king of Media[2]. Of this country Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1st November 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as I could judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of every thing, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities of excellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slight stuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by Marcus Ruffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, as formerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he came to visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreated him to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder of the journey, to which he very readily agreed.
[1] This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name in the service of Russia.--E.
[2] The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian.--E.
We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which is called, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the Iron Gates. This city is under the dominion of Sivanse , and stands on the frontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plains and sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by the Turkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-way between these two cities we came to a large village, where we found great abundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrived on the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winter in that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross the desert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, and likewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to the Tartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore of the Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. This city is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the Iron Gate , because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartary into Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia. Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from the castle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not above a sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that end nearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. The country about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, among which are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine.
The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever with the ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and is very deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea- wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea- dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. The only other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half in diameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which the natives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps, and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country, who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used us exceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answered that we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. My dress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined with lambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin; in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh and other provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasions a person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said, this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus, who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and I was astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thought must have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have said before, they are a very good kind of people.
During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certain intelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan, for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with letters to Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent. He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro, informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he was utterly ignorant of his affairs.
Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, and Marcus procured a boat for transporting us to Curere [3]. The boats which are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, as the sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, and their bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses, or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. These boats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means of oars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believe themselves the best mariners in the world.
[3] Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga.--E.
On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, being thirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew. The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, and silken goods to Citrarchan [4], where they proposed to sell their commodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for other articles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind, always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind became contrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to so violent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had all reason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, we made every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into a kind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where she stuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and of our oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we had to wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almost perished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water; yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest that circumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared to meet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on the spot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were led to conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some other circumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not near the shore.